Brain Drain: To A Systemic Problem, A Revolutionary Solution
Introduction
Brain drain is a problem faced by many underdeveloped countries in general, and African countries in particular. It consists of the migration of skilled or highly skilled workers from African countries to developed nations in the West (Europe, America). These workers may decide to stay permanently in these developed countries, finding better opportunities there, but they may also consider returning to their countries of origin to contribute to their development with the new knowledge they have acquired.
In light of the tightening migration policies of several Western states and the repression of people of migrant background, it is vital that revolutionary Pan-Africanists analyze this brain drain phenomenon in detail. Obviously, it is not enough to shout from the rooftops that these Africans simply need to love their continent and stay there. Furthermore, it is useless, if not ineffective, to simply blame those who decide to leave for the West and who participate, voluntarily or involuntarily, in this brain drain. A clear and nuanced analysis is necessary to better identify the real causes of the problem, the factors that sustain it, and the actors who profit from it, to better develop an adequate and lasting solution.
This is the heavy task we set for ourselves in this article. However, we will focus specifically on the young populations involved in this brain drain: students. While maintaining a global and universal perspective, we find it important to maintain a level of specificity for a more surgical approach to the problem. Our analysis will be anchored in the ideology and methodology of revolutionary Pan-Africanism. We hope this article will lay the groundwork for a more general future analysis of the issue. We do not claim that this is the most urgent problem for Africans at this moment, but it is a good starting point for understanding the situation of our People. Likewise, we will use the term "the West" to refer to Western Europe and North America (the United States and Canada), which have historically been the places where most African students abroad are found. This does not mean we ignore the presence of Africans in other countries (Turkey, Japan, etc.) or migration within Africa itself which, due to Balkanization and reactionary/neocolonial micro-nationalisms, causes similar effects, albeit to a lesser extent, to what we will identify in this article.
A Demographic Problem?
When reactionary individuals address the issue of migration of African origin, there is always an implicit and racist reference to Africa's growing demography. Even if it is true that the demographic growth rate in Africa is slightly high, this should never be perceived as a problem or a negative factor. Indeed, anyone who understands how the economy works knows that the more people there are, the more labor power there is, and therefore more work. Furthermore, in communalist and semi-feudal societies, the demographic factor was key to maintaining production. In communalist societies, the economy was organized based on the family and the village. Everyone with the capacity participated, even children, to the point that family size became almost synonymous with rich agricultural labor. In fact, the very origin of the exploitation of man by man, which developed toward the end of communalism, can be explained by the need to control this labor force. We then observe the rise of patriarchy, the exploitation of women, and the control of women's reproductive capacities.
This characteristic was preserved, with some modifications, under feudalism, where peasant families were generally larger. In addition to the economic and patriarchal aspects, this 'promotion' of demographic growth under feudalism can also be explained by the simple fact that the infant mortality rate was high. For example, in feudal Europe, due to the low level of medical development, peasant women had to bear many children to ensure that at least a good number survived and could contribute to the exploitation of the feudal Lord's land.
Under capitalism, demographic growth remains an essential factor for development. We can observe an interesting paradox in this anti-human system that is capitalism: on one hand, the development of medicine reduces the mortality rate, but on the other, the over-exploitation of workers in inhuman conditions maintains a certain balance. Moreover, the oppression of women is reinforced, rationalized, and institutionalized so that the labor force can continue to increase. Demographic growth only becomes a problem when there are not enough resources to sustain this growing population. Capitalist Europe resolved this problem, in part, by encouraging waves of settler colonialism on other continents. But paradoxically, Europe also encouraged migration in the opposite direction, especially when it allowed for obtaining free and dynamic labor from enslaved or colonized populations.
This leads us to seriously question those who criticize Africa's demographic growth. As Revolutionary Pan-Africanists, we see this instead as one of Africa's greatest riches: a strong People who will allow us to build a Free, United, and Socialist Africa. This is especially true since the African population is also predominately young (over 77%), making it an unavoidable factor for the future of Africa and the African People. Also, it must be remembered once again that only the people, the working masses, produce true development by transforming the riches and resources of the Earth. Clearly, under capitalism, the product of this development serves the bourgeois minority with crumbs for its lackeys; but under socialism and communism, the People are the artisan, the distributor, and the primary recipient of development. Even under a system as anti-people as capitalism, it is the laboring mass that gives value to products. Despite the danger of mechanization, robotization, and 'AI-fication' (the use of artificial intelligence), the direct human labor of the working masses remains indispensable and necessary. Even more reason why a large population is a positive factor in a socialist or communist system.
African People, Resilient People
Africa has a population of over 1.5 billion inhabitants (2025) living on the continent and more than 100 million others in the diaspora (Afro-descendants or those resulting from recent migrations). Even though Africa currently has a high demographic growth rate, this is despite all the forms of exploitation and extermination that the imperialist system imposes on the African People. We must remember that the era of capitalism ushered in significant demographic changes that have nothing to do with the normal migration that many civilizations already practiced. For example, the transatlantic slave trade of Africans had more than 300 million victims (those who died during the crossing, those who died during capture, or those who were successfully deported). These Africans were aged between 18 and 30 years, or even younger, without significant differentiation by sex. To this historical tragedy, we can add the numerous genocidal campaigns and practices that the colonialists pursued. The list is very long, but what must be remembered is that the African People are a resilient people who continue to grow, despite the forces of exploitation and oppression from imperialism and neocolonialism.
Brain Drain or Muscle Drain
Regarding recent migrations from Africa to the West, they can be characterized as both a 'brain drain' and a 'muscle drain.' On one hand, the population of migrant workers of African origin continues to increase in the West. These Africans have generally undertaken dangerous paths and itineraries and fall victim to various repressive measures once they arrive. Migrant workers are also more exploited because they cannot easily file complaints about poor working conditions, as their bosses can threaten to call the police or anti-deportation militias. In any case, the labor power that could contribute to Africa's development finds itself exported to the West. There are numerous factors causing this 'muscle drain,' all linked to the imperialist and neocolonial system that over-exploits Africa and the workers of the world, but that is not the focus of our article. We will focus more specifically on the 'brain drain', that is, the migration of individuals who either have a degree or specific professional qualifications, or young students who leave for the West to possibly stay there.
Some Factors To Take Into Consideration
To understand this phenomenon, two types of factors must be taken into consideration: the factors that attract students toward the West, and the factors that push Africans out of Africa.
The factors attracting them toward the West are primarily fueled by constant propaganda, of which Africa is a victim, and through which the West is presented as a 'civilized paradise' on Earth. Western media, television channels, and films all create this paradigm in the African psyche, leading them to believe that life is necessarily better in the West. In doing so, this propaganda hides the rest of the iceberg, failing to show the origins and the forces that maintain this semblance of a Welfare State at the expense of the oppressed peoples of the world. Indeed, it is only thanks to the profits drawn from neocolonialism and the capitalist exploitation of Africa and other zones of the world that the West manages to maintain its population in this relative Welfare State. We say 'relative' because the truth is that the working populations of Europe are just as exploited by the same capitalists who plunder Africa. However, these populations receive just enough so as not to rebel. Moreover, when Western films and media, charged with filthy capitalist propaganda, arrive in Africa, they are simply the surplus of a propaganda intended for the exploited populations of the West. The effect of this propaganda is even more catastrophic for Africans because it resonates with the history and reality of racism and the cultural alienation, of which Africa is a victim.
Other factors attracting people toward the West are the testimonies of those Africans who have 'made it’ by going to Europe. They represent a model to follow and a source of inspiration for young Africans who struggle to see a future in their daily chaos. Some of these Africans who have 'made it' are honest and speak of the real difficulties they encountered, but unfortunately, that is the very core of capitalist propaganda: showing that the path to success is so perilous that only a few 'chosen ones' can make it through, and even when they reach the end, the pressure and stress do not stop. Furthermore, the institutions that attract Africans make extensive use of these kinds of 'unique' success stories. Other such 'mascots', for they can be considered as such, lie openly and display their disparagement of Africa. They cast all responsibility onto the oppressed African People and not enough onto the neocolonial entities, much less on the imperialist forces that never tire of plundering and over-exploiting Africa. These individuals play their role well in the Western propaganda that favors this brain drain.
Obviously, there are specific programs financed by Western States tasked with targeting certain Africans, presenting a prestigious future (in their eyes) to provide them with enough resources so that they no longer consider the option of returning to Africa. These scholarship offers, however generous or benevolent they may seem, remain an integral part of imperialist efforts to dominate and control the People and resources of Africa. In some cases, the imperialists will hand-pick from these 'chosen ones' those who will become the next agents in the service of neocolonial interests.
We must also take into consideration the factors that push Africans out of Africa. Not only because our dialectical method requires it for a more complete analysis, but also because it offers us another opportunity to expose the damage caused by imperialism and neocolonialism. Indeed, this couple of imperialism/neocolonialism is responsible for the low development of the education and research sectors in African countries. Having no interest in producing skilled African workers or researchers in fields specific to Africa's economic needs, imperialism and neocolonialism do not make enough effort to develop these sectors. When there are good schools or even good universities, graduated students quickly find themselves unemployed because job opportunities are limited. Consequently, some people decide to look elsewhere, i.e., in the West. Of course, there are also extreme cases like that of Kenya, where the government allies with Germany to 'export' Kenyan workers to Germany. Instead of developing local health, research, and industrial sectors that should welcome these students, this neocolonial government deems it more profitable to serve the interests of imperialism.
Other factors pushing Africans out of Africa—not just students and intellectuals—are the realities linked to war, famine, and poverty, which are direct or indirect results of imperialist and neocolonial policies and practices. Indeed, capitalism cannot survive without these wars, exploitations, and extreme inequalities; they ensure a cheap labor force and tremendous amounts of profit. If we add to these conditions the catastrophes caused by climate change, which disproportionately affect Africans, we can understand why so many Africans are pushed out of Africa.
Who profits From the Crime?
Now that we have a better understanding of the factors favoring or causing the brain drain, we can discuss those who profit from the situation and how a popular and pan-African revolution can effectively and permanently eradicate this problem.
The individuals or entities profiting from this brain drain in Africa also reflect the chain of exploitation of Africa's resources. At the top, we find the capitalists and wealthy business leaders who, on one hand, profit from the contributions, even if minor compared to those of Western researchers, of African researchers in their factories and industries in Europe. In connivance with Western States, which are of course under the thumb of capitalists and their corporations, everything is set in motion to draw maximum profit from the participation of Africans in the technical (and even academic) development of the West. At the same time, these capitalist companies can keep over-exploiting workers who lack higher education on the continent. Furthermore, their own specialists and technicians can operate in Africa without worrying about any transfer of skills or fearing the loss of their jobs.
We also have those philanthropic entities which, steeped in the 'White Saviorism' complex, create programs to scout for Africans who will then be sponsored throughout their studies. These entities are often just fronts for those same capitalists who plunder Africa and effectively serve to wash away their guilt. Moreover, they can align other individuals, banks, and companies with their schemes by making it appear that a simple financial donation will be the saving grace for Africans. The reality is that only a very small fraction of the population benefits from these programs, even if the media and marketing power of these philanthropists suggests otherwise. When one digs deeper, one discovers that these philanthropic fronts are excellent at attracting investors and thus increasing the profits of capitalist bosses.
Next, we naturally have the Western States that create these scholarship offers, not only for the capitalist reasons mentioned above but also to control the class of African elites and intellectuals. Thus, the ground for neocolonialist and neoliberal domination is well-plowed, as the elites emerging from these scholarship programs become ardent defenders of neoliberalism, which legitimizes neocolonialism and imperialism. African history clearly shows that some of the most vicious neocolonial puppets are those who emerged from the Western educational system: the Senghor’s, the Houphouët-Boignys, the Ouattaras, and their ilk. They are vicious because their level of education creates the illusion that they are thinking for themselves, when in fact they are entirely under the sway of the imperialists. Obviously, there are exceptions, those Africans who, understanding the primacy of the African people and the necessity complete liberation of the continent, had the courage to commit 'class suicide' to join, if not lead, the revolutionary struggle. Here, we can cite the Nkrumahs, the Cabrals, or the Fanons.
We can also cite multilateral institutions like the UN, which recruit many of these Africans into their ranks. We will not dwell on the neocolonial and neoliberal nature of these multilateral institutions, but it is important to mention that their objective is in no way to reduce illiteracy or socio-economic underdevelopment in Africa.
Local neocolonial agents also benefit from this brain drain. These traitors and puppets have every interest in keeping the population under-educated and 'exporting' qualified individuals. In extreme cases, the neocolonial leaders are themselves under-educated. But in general, this class seeks to do everything possible to maintain its position as a liaison, a transmitter between the capitalist exploitation of Africa and capitalist entities/companies. From time to time, they ease the pressure (just like the imperialists), creating a few educational establishments or offering some national programs, but as the French saying goes: 'drive away the natural, and it comes galloping back.' This anti-people class also participates in propaganda efforts, as they are quick to send their own children to study in the West instead of developing higher education institutions at home. As long as this parasitic class remains in Africa, the interests of the popular and working masses will be trampled and ignored. Hence, the urgency of a revolutionary struggle that will attack, without compromise or hesitation, the imperialist forces and their local lackeys.
Some Positive Aspects
Brain drain is not necessarily a purely negative thing. As with everything in the universe, one can find both positive and negative elements within it. We are clear that in this case, the negatives prevail because they maintain the status quo and capitalist exploitation. But there are positive aspects that we must identify, collect, and utilize for the revolutionary struggle. The role of the revolutionary organization is to use these positive forces to dismantle and break this imperialist and neocolonialist system.
The first positive aspect is that Africans do, in fact, have an interest in acquiring technical and scientific knowledge, as these are useful for the economic and industrial development of Africa. Indeed, Africa abounds with resources which, in the hands of the African People and according to the principles of scientific socialism, will be used to improve the living conditions of Africans. We hope it is not necessary to remind that science and knowledge belong to no country, race, or sex. They are the property of all humanity and therefore must be placed at the disposal of all Peoples and used for the advancement of humanity as a whole. Therefore, if Africans acquire knowledge and skills in chemistry, geology, engineering, and biology, even if it is from universities in the West, this knowledge and these skills will be useful for our People. Moreover, some post-colonial governments have stumbled upon the obstacle of having to hire Western geologists to explore their mineral resources due to a lack of trained Africans.
The other positive aspect is that some of these Africans who go to the West have a strong chance of being radicalized and taking the revolutionary path. Contact with Africans and Afro-descendants from various corners of the world feeds the initial foundations of a Pan-African sentiment. The realities of student life, discussions on local Western or international politics, interactions with politicized people from other parts of the world, and perhaps certain courses that the African student takes will fuel this new political consciousness. It is even better if the student was already radicalized or politicized while still in Africa.
Obviously, the limit of this radicalization is that class analysis is not always present; yet, without the class struggle, any Pan-African sentiment is empty. This absence of class analysis in the political consciousness that the African student develops is because once in the university, petty-bourgeois interests begin to prevail. In wanting to cling to elitist or careerist academic goals, the African student is quickly forced to forget their origins (whatever they may be). Furthermore, the pressure from family, who will have high expectations for the student who left for the West, the concern for maintaining a certain prestige, and comparisons with Western students from wealthy families, all facilitate the formation of a political consciousness that is certainly radical, but full of class contradictions. We insist that this is a positive aspect, because these class contradictions have the potential to intensify and lead to a revolutionary consciousness. It simply requires that the African student be once again confronted with the material realities of the African people or participate and engage in militant and revolutionary spaces, both inside and outside the university.
What is the way forward?
In view of this phenomenon which, in both the short and long term, inhibits Africa’s development and benefits the imperialism-neocolonialism duo, we must explore several paths toward solutions. These solutions must target the various sources of the problem identified at the beginning of this text. Consequently, action to transform the material conditions favoring this brain drain is crucial. In other words, the complete and radical transformation of our countries in Africa is the most effective remedy; with one stone, we eliminate both the factors that attract and the factors that push our young populations toward the West.
This transformation is only possible through the implementation of policies and economies that center the sovereignty, self-sufficiency, and self-determination of the People—that is, through the establishment of a system based on the principles of scientific socialism. Political measures will ensure the planning of education, science, research, and industrialization in a way that utilizes the incredible dynamic and creative power of our young populations. In concrete terms, this planning will require us to seriously study the situation in our countries and build new schools and universities that are sufficiently equipped and adapted to our needs. Furthermore, economic planning will allow for better guidance of people in higher education, avoiding the accumulation of a surplus of graduates in one field while filling gaps in others.
Following socialist principles, we must also establish production units or collective entities based on agriculture, industry, or any other aspect of the economy. These production units must be organized to allow the effective participation of members and workers in both the planning of production and the distribution of resources and gains, channeled through the structures of the revolutionary socialist state. The role of trained students will be to provide added value through the rigorous scientific training obtained via the new educational system. Naturally, measures will be taken to address illiteracy and the lack of education among workers who have already passed the age for standard schooling, thus avoiding the development of any complex or elitism.
Obviously, this planning must be Pan-African, as nothing should prevent Africans from one zone from serving the interests of the African people in another. This implies that the ideology of revolutionary Pan-Africanism must be the compass and the very foundation of the pedagogy and philosophy of the new educational system. This planning, following the principles of scientific socialism and revolutionary Pan-Africanism, will accelerate Africa's development and ensure the rapid improvement of living conditions for Africans.
To these political and economic efforts, we must add a fierce struggle against Western propaganda and against the actions of organizations, institutions, and groups that steer our populations toward foreign lands. While the improvement of our living conditions and socialist Pan-African organization will already do the bulk of this work, efforts must also be applied at all levels (media, entertainment, religion, arts, and culture) to develop a revolutionary consciousness and a love for work in service of our people's well-being in every African. Thus, all aspects of society will contribute to reducing and eventually eliminating the brain drain.
Other actions must also be implemented to encourage those who have already gone abroad to return and settle in Africa to contribute to this development. This should not be done indiscriminately, but with a clear revolutionary consciousness, as one must leave any capitalist, petty-bourgeois, or neoliberal mentality behind in the West. The class suicide that this segment of the African People must commit, just like other segments of the petty-bourgeoisie present in Africa, will be a determining factor in allowing these Western-educated Africans to contribute honestly and fully to the construction of the new Africa. Hence the necessity of an effective Pan-African organization of our populations in the diaspora and abroad.
Naturally, we are not saying that Africans should never again study in the West or outside of Africa. Not at all, especially not in the early years of implementing this societal transformation, as we must first exhaust the positive aspects of studying abroad. However, as the march toward Africa's development evolves, there will no longer be an interest in sending young people abroad unless it is to learn from other peoples. Indeed, no development can occur in isolation, and international solidarity will always be a positive factor for our populations, provided it does not serve to subjugate us to the dictates of any unjust or exploitative system.
All the solutions cited above can only be established through the Popular and Pan-African Revolution. We must not delude ourselves or indulge in idealistic imaginings, thinking that imperialists and neocolonialists will gently pack their bags and let us manage our destiny. We have shown how lucrative this brain drain is, in the short and long term, for this imperialist and neocolonialist system. Logically, there will be resistance, fierce resistance, and we must prepare to lead this struggle to the end.
The revolutionary struggle against the forces of imperialism and neocolonialism that dominate the African People can only be achieved through a revolutionary pan-African organization. This revolutionary organization, with the solutions mentioned among its objectives, will be the effective and permanent instrument for realizing the aspirations of the African People for a better, dignified, and sovereign life. Already, the organization will lay the groundwork for the fight against Western propaganda through a program of political education that not only nurtures love for Africa and the well-being of the African People but also empowers our People to think for themselves and take charge of their own lives. This political education, when directed toward students and aspiring petty-bourgeois and capitalists, will sow the seeds of the class suicide necessary for these individuals to participate in the revolutionary struggle. Only the popular, working, and conscious African masses can constitute, control, and faithfully lead the revolutionary organization for the Pan-African revolutionary struggle. Consequently, all members of the organization must identify completely with the African People, with the class of the People, their history, culture, interests, and aspirations.
We recognize that the road ahead to reach these objectives and to build a Free, United, and Socialist Africa will be long and tortuous, but we are committed to the end—until the victory of the People's class.
