Introduction
For several decades, Africa has been at the center of numerous discourses on development, growth, economic inclusion, and the reduction of inequalities. From international institutions to national governments, by way of NGOs and private actors, the idea of an "inclusive economic paradigm" has become almost consensual. Yet, despite this abundant rhetoric, the social, economic, and political realities of the continent testify to a deep persistence of structural poverty, inequality, economic dependence, and external domination. This contradiction poses a fundamental question: can Africa truly settle for a simple readjustment of the existing system, or must we more radically interrogate the very foundations of the economic order in which it is inscribed?
Indeed, the African economy did not develop in a historical vacuum. It is the product of a long process of colonization, then neocolonialism, which organized the extraction of wealth, financial dependence, the dislocation of local economies, and the subordination of African states to the interests of imperialist capitalism. In this context, speaking of inclusion without questioning the power dynamics that structure the global economy often amounts to managing injustice rather than transforming it. The challenge is therefore not only to know who is included in the system, but in the service of which system and according to which rules of the game. Rethinking the African economy thus implies a deep reflection on political consciousness, power relations, and the social forces capable of carrying out a true rupture.
This reflection cannot ignore the central role of women, the popular masses, and all Africans, long marginalized in both the production of wealth and decision-making. This is not about a logic of fragmentation or opposition between groups, but rather the perspective of a conscious, Pan-African, and revolutionary unity, capable of moving beyond both imperialist capitalism and the illusions of inclusive development without structural transformation. It is this inquiry—at once economic, political, and historical—that this article proposes to address.
I. The Inclusive Economic Paradigm: An Insufficient Response to Structural Domination
The so-called "inclusive" economic paradigm rests on a seductive promise: to further integrate marginalized populations into the existing economic system to reduce inequalities and promote fairer development. In Africa, this approach often translates into policies of microcredit, individual entrepreneurship, women's empowerment, or the encouragement of the local private sector. However, these measures, while sometimes beneficial in the short term, remain fundamentally limited because they do not challenge the deep structures of domination that shape the African economy.
The African economy is part of a world order marked by economic imperialism, financial dependence, and commercial subordination. The rules of international trade, debt, the domination of multinationals, the control of strategic resources, and the weakness of African states' economic sovereignty prevent any real inclusion. In this context, including more people in a deeply unequal system generally amounts to broadening the base of those who suffer exploitation, rather than transforming power relations. The problem is thus not only exclusion, but the very nature of the economic system in which inclusion is proposed.
II. Capitalism, Imperialism, and Neocolonialism: A Historical Continuity
To understand the limits of the inclusive paradigm, it is essential to place the African economy back into its history. Capitalism was not implanted in Africa as a simple mode of exchange, but as a system of domination linked to colonization. The organization of colonial economies had the primary objective of extracting wealth for the benefit of the metropoles, destroying autonomous local economies, and forcing the integration of the continent into an unfavorable international division of labor.
After formal independence, this logic did not disappear; it transformed. Neocolonialism maintains dependence through debt, conditional aid, unequal trade agreements, and external political influence. Thus, even when African states adopt so-called inclusive policies, these remain framed by constraints imposed from the outside. Under these conditions, African capitalism, far from being an autonomous or emancipatory capitalism, remains largely subordinated to global imperialist capitalism.
III. Economy and Consciousness: The Central Role of Social Forces
Faced with this reality, any serious economic transformation cannot be limited to technical adjustments. It presupposes a transformation of political and social consciousness. Economy is never neutral: it reflects power relations, political choices, and class interests. Rethinking the African economy thus implies asking who decides, who produces, for whom, and for what purpose.
This is where the central role of social forces long marginalized comes in: women, the popular masses, workers, peasants, but also all Africans, conscious of the need for a rupture. It is not about simply opposing these groups to men or elites, but about recognizing that the historical exclusion of these forces has weakened any attempt at real transformation. An economy designed without them mechanically reproduces existing logics of domination. However, transformation must not be seen as the exclusive work of a particular group. It rests on a conscious unity of African social forces, moving beyond divisions of gender, class, or status, while recognizing the real inequalities that cut through them. This unity is an essential condition for breaking with the imperial order and building a sovereign economic project.
IV. The Limits of Rebalancing the Individual and the Collective
One of the central arguments of the inclusive paradigm is the search for a balance between individual interests and the collective good. While this idea is attractive, it remains problematic when not accompanied by a challenge to capitalist structures. In a system based on private accumulation, competition, and profit maximization, individual interests naturally tend to dominate the collective. Thus, even when discourses value solidarity or social responsibility, the deep logic of capitalism continues to produce inequalities. Charity, social entrepreneurship, or individual initiatives cannot compensate for the structural effects of a system that organizes exploitation. To think that one can simply "humanize" capitalism without transforming its foundations is often an illusion.
V. Scientific Socialism as a Framework for Critical Analysis
It is in this context that scientific socialism appears not as an immediate solution, but as an indispensable analytical tool. Unlike moral or culturalist approaches, scientific socialism allows for the analysis of economic relations based on material conditions, class relations, and power structures. It highlights the mechanisms of exploitation, the concentration of wealth, and the way in which imperialism articulates with global capitalism.
Applied to the African context, scientific socialism allows us to move beyond superficial discourses on inclusion to ask the real questions: How to transform the relations of production? How to ensure economic sovereignty? How to truly redistribute economic and political power? It is not about importing a ready-made model, but about having a rigorous framework to think through a rupture adapted to African realities. In this sense, scientific socialism is neither an abstract utopia nor a magic solution. It constitutes a theoretical support point to articulate economy, political consciousness, and the struggle against imperialism, while leaving open the question of the concrete forms this transformation could take in Africa.
Conclusion
Ultimately, rethinking the economic game in Africa cannot be limited to a simple inclusive paradigm. While inclusion seeks to reduce inequalities and integrate more marginalized populations into the economy, it remains insufficient against the deep structures that organize dependence and exploitation. African history, marked by colonialism and neocolonialism, shows that the rules of global capitalism have shaped inequitable power relations, where even opening up to the masses or historically marginalized groups is not enough to guarantee real sovereignty. Inclusion alone can sometimes legitimize mechanisms of inequality and reproduce logics of domination because it does not touch the very foundations of the system.
It is in this context that scientific socialism appears as an essential analytical tool. It is not an imported or frozen model, but a framework capable of deciphering relations of production, the contradictions of capitalism, the impact of imperialism, and the way in which individual interests often oppose the collective interest. Applied to Africa, it allows us to think of conscious and radical transformations that mobilize all social forces—women, the popular masses, younger generations—to break with the logics of domination and build a sovereign, equitable, and solidary economy.
Thus, Africa cannot settle for superficial inclusive measures. It is necessary to go beyond, to rethink the economy from the margins, and to articulate consciousness, solidarity, and sovereignty. Scientific socialism, understood as a critical tool and strategic orientation, remains the most relevant framework to guide this transformation and make the collective interest a concrete practice, capable of breaking with the imperial order and building a truly autonomous and just future for the continent
A.M.M.
This article was written following the Josina Machel Ideological Training organized by the RMLA.
